Divided ECOWAS

The decision by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to leave the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has derailed the regional authority’s effort of restoring democracy in those countries.

The return of coup d’états in the sub-region has become a major headache for observers and policy.

In addition to these countries, Guinea is also under military rule, Guinea Bissau and Sierra Leone have faced attempts to topple their governments.

This pattern of coup exempts no one.

Few days ago, a court in Accra sentenced six people to death for treason and freed a few, including a senior police officer who was arrested in 2019 over the alleged plot to topple President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo’s government.

Not everyone believed the claim of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP), but it rang an alarm due to the relative stability of Ghana in a restive region.

Even the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) through its leader and erstwhile President John Dramani Mahama called for respect of the country’s constitution and democracy.

It is not all gloomy across the sub-region; there are a few promising stories.

Nigeria had peaceful transfer of power to Bola Tinubu who is now the Chairman of ECOWAS.

Although his victory was challenged, his legitimacy was confirmed by the election tribunal and Supreme Court.

Surveys had predicted a landslide win for Labour Party’s Peter Obi prior to the votes.

Obi’s rise was sudden, and his win would have ended the duopoly of the governing All Progressives Congress and the main opposition People’s Democratic Party.

This decision widens the rift within ECOWAS.

While the catalyst for the military interventions is the “Islamist” insurgency and deteriorating security in the Sahel, prevailing socio-economic difficulties have not been discounted by most analysts.

ECOWAS appears to have zero tolerance for military takeovers rather than civilian power grabs.

Guinea’s Alpha Conde was overthrown while trying to extend his rule beyond its legal stretch.

Alassane Ouattara now enjoys his third term and elections have been indefinitely postponed in Senegal.

Regardless, civilian power grab like military intervention is unconstitutional and ECOWAS must be firm against both.

Consequent to its global isolation, Russia pursues an assertive policy on the continent.

It has replaced the French in Mali and Burkina Faso and recently squeezed them out of Niger.

Reportedly there, Russian entities including Wagner now control gold mines and mineral deposit sites.

China has also made gains in areas of investment and infrastructural development at the expense of the French.

Although it is difficult to ascertain the truth behind the reported foiled coup attempts in Burkina Faso, yet if they hold credence, it implies that perhaps the French are not leaving without a fight.

Should we not question ECOWAS’s absence in this scheme of things?

Given the seriousness of this rift, West African leaders should resort to dialogue and diplomacy to address their differences.

ECOWAS protocols and conventions on election, democracy, and good governance should be strictly enforced.

As Ghana, Togo, and Senegal prepare for elections, abuses of incumbency like what is reportedly happening in Senegal should be punitively dealt with like military coups.

To facilitate talks for the restoration of democracy in the three countries, the suspended countries should be invited into the organization without voting and other decision-making powers i.e. de facto observers.

This goodwill gesture can open a path for a diplomatic solution.

ECOWAS can mediate and facilitate dialogue between the various domestic stakeholders leading to credible elections.

The security challenge that occasioned coups in the Sahel demands a regional response.

Mechanisms such as the Accra initiative which encourages intelligence sharing should be operationalised.

Instead of faulting those countries for hiring Wagner’s forces to fight the terrorist groups, the West African Standby force can be activated to offer support for local forces where and when necessary.

While Mali suffers from the ensuing chaos of post-Ghaddafi Libya thus exacerbating the country’s historic division and animosity, Burkina Faso reels from spillover from its neighbour.

Meanwhile, Niger is in a more precarious situation due to its ethnic politics.

However, Guinea illustrates a departure from this norm, its coup emanates from a failed power grab and therefore holds some “legitimacy”.

Finally, some ECOWAS institutions like the parliament can be made more inclusive and democratic.

Should citizens get to elect their representatives at the regional parliament, will it not relieve the waning popularity of ECOWAS?

To sum it all up, ECOWAS must embrace dialogue to heal its rift and embark on serious reform to regain its relevance and prestige in the eyes of the ordinary West African.