On 7 November 20016, we will once again troop to the polling stations and queue for long sweltering hours to cast ballots in our quadrennial general elections to elect a president and parliamentarians in accordance with our Constitution. Assuming we allow the Electoral Commissioner do her job, and assuming further the losing and aggrieved party seeks peaceful redress through the courts, we will in the end be crowing from the rooftops that we are a democratic country. As our political leaders are wont to saying, we are, unlike some other African countries, a democratic country, a self-awarded accolade of dubious value, in my view. As we should know, the term “democracy” in its true meaning goes beyond periodic elections. It embodies the practice of such principles as good governance, accountability, probity, true separation of powers, freedom of the press, the rule of law, and the rights of the individual.
Undoubtedly, elections are an important element of democracy. To serve their purpose, they must be free, fair and informed. This is because our Constitution through this process confers upon us powers to elect politicians and repose in them trust to govern us not for their own good, but the common good. This is a sacred trust, and it must not be sought or given on a false prospectus. This is why our political parties and politicians who seek office have a moral obligation not to turn elections into a cynical exercise, namely, the attitude that their party faithful will always vote for them irrespective of the nature of their platform. Yes, it is true that political parties have committed voters. But it is also true that those voters alone may not always determine the outcome. This is where the silent uncommitted voters, like me, come in. Our votes can swing the elections one way or the other. It is this group that will subject the political parties to a searching scrutiny.
The campaigns are already under way. But what I have heard so far, especially from our two main political parties—NDC and NPP—are indeed disappointing. It is the same old fare of vague promises, no price tags, that is being served: “we will put money in your pocket”, “we will improve your livelihoods,” ”we will put the country back on the path of progress and prosperity”, etc., etc. The sky is the limit. In practical terms, these types of promises are utterly meaningless. They merely pander to our hardships for votes. This is political cynicism at its worst. Propose programmes by all means, but detail also an estimated cost of each pledge, funding sources, implementation strategy and the benefits. This level of details is important for two reasons. First, it will enable the uncommitted voters to make informed decision as to the party they should vote for. Secondly, it will provide a yardstick for measuring performance and ensuring that public funds are used for their intended purposes and properly accounted and not diverted into party coffers and individual pockets. This is why I thought a piece like this might encourage our politicians to rethink how they present their promises and manifestos.
Now, let us take a closer look at our two main players: NDC and NPP. (Of course, the issues I raise here apply also to the other political parties.). NDC’s main message so far is that we should retain President Mahama in power so that he could “continue to develop Ghana”. The assumption here is that the President in the past four years in office has achieved appreciable level of “development” to warrant re-election. But by what criteria does one judge “development”? NDC have not provided any. So, all that I can do is pose questions, based on conditions on the ground, as I assess them.
Here are some, but by no means all. Are sub-standard roads, constructed at inflated costs, development? Our educational standards couldn’t fall any lower. Are hurriedly-built, ill-staffed and ill-equipped free Community Day SHSs development? Many politicians are old enough to know. The now-abolished Sixth Forms at old secondary schools (renamed SHSs), such as Achimota, Adisadel, Mfantsipim and St. Augustine’s College, were better equipped and taught than these new politically-driven tertiary institutions. Empty buildings do not make an institution a centre of academic excellence. It is both staff and teaching equipments that do. All our public educational institutions, both old and new, are poor on that score. Today, in 21st century Ghana, thousands of Ghanaian children are still attending school under shades and trees, with no qualified teachers, desks, or even benches to sit on. Our next generation is being condemned to mediocre education in a highly competitive world of today. Our SHSs are now producing examination cheats, students deep into witchcraft and sorcery. It is frightening to think that these are our future political and other leaders. Our moral decay is total, thanks to the example of our political and some religious leaders! Is this state of affairs development? Is gross fiscal indiscipline, sustained by heavy borrowing, development? The sheer level of naked theft and waste revealed in the Auditor General’s reports makes a nauseating reading. Is that development? Is the NDC government’s indifference to this sickening corruption development? Is over-bloated and unproductive public sector workforce, including ministerial posts, parastatals development? Are our run-down public hospitals development? Is our chronic housing shortage development? Are our social and economic hardships development? Is the open arrogance shown by President Mahama’s ministers and party functionaries development?
In my view, the President will not win many uncommitted votes, if goes around telling us to return him to power to continue to “develop” Ghana. In light of the questions I posed above, he cannot claim that his performance justifies re-election. However, the President may regain the uncommitted votes if he changes his approach. I think he should be telling us what he plans to do differently in the next four years in order to address more effectively not only our social and economic problems but also to ensure fiscal responsibility and accountability of his government. He needs to develop and present a well-thought out and holistic programme, with estimated costs and implementation strategy and, not least, the guts to follow it through. The same old ways will sink Ghana without trace. I am sure the President would not like be remembered as the person who finally piloted his country under.
On present showing, NPP, led by Nana Akufo-Addo, have a few handicaps they need to overcome quickly before they can establish themselves as a credible alternative government. First, they have image problem. They come across as a party driven by the ambition of one man--Nana Akufo Addo--to be president “at all costs”, probably in dynastic footsteps of his father who was a ceremonial president in Dr. Kofi Busia’s government. One recalls the contrived publicity when Nana last year flew off to London to consult God there as to whether he should seek a third bid to run for president, which God obligingly revealed to him. In spite of what he claimed the Almighty had revealed to him, he came back telling reporters on arrival that he would not divulge it until he had “consulted” party elders. That was bizarre and loony. This is 21st century, Nana! Nana Akufo-Addo is a well-educated, intelligent, and impressively articulate man. So, why did he have to put on those theatrics? That is not the mark of a bold and decisive, but a weak and sneaky, man. This is very unfortunate because Ghana at this point in time very badly needs a courageous, open, and decisive president, ready to adopt new approaches which alone can turn the country round. Nana appears somewhat calculating and indecisive to be that kind of president.
Secondly, NPP’s Akyem-Ashante label is a real baggage for them. Certain statements made last year in private by some of their high-ranking members have only re-enforced that view of the Party. In the same mould, the NPP vice-presidential candidate, Dr. Bawumia, about a month ago pledged that an NPP government would increase cocoa production to some 100,000 metric tonnes a year. It might not have been intended but this particular promise appears to have a parochial ring to it. NPP has an identity problem, and I think they have much to do to convince us that they truly are a national party, with Ghana-wide outlook and agenda. Unfortunately, I have no worthwhile advice to offer them as to how they might go about rebranding themselves.
Nevertheless, I do have a couple of suggestions for their election strategy, at least as far as we, the uncommitted voters, are concerned. First, NPP would not win the uncommitted votes if Nana Akufo-Addo went around telling us that in him we had God’s own anointed saviour to dig Ghana out of the rut. No doubt, disaffection with President Mahama and his NDC is wide and deep. And if Mrs. Rawlings runs, she will take more votes away from NDC than NPP. But NPP should not delude themselves into believing that they can ride on these two factors alone into power. They need no reminding that incumbency is a potent political weapon, and the President has that in his arsenal.
Secondly, NPP can benefit from those two factors if they can project themselves convincingly as a credible alternative government. They can do so by ditching the traditional meaningless-promises approach. They should demonstrate boldness and courageousness. They should, among other things, present an integrated and specific programme of action, not least, an estimated cost and funding sources for each and every sector. They should show political courage and candour and tell us now unambiguously what they will, for instance, do about the over-bloated public sector workforce, including the number of government ministers, as well as Flagstaff House staff. The Mahama government now spends whooping 60% of our total annual revenue on public sector salaries alone. This is fiscally insane, imprudent and unsustainable. No serious presidential candidate can fail to declare its policy on this problem. Will NPP reduce public sector workers; if so, by how many and over what time-frame and how much will this politically toxic exercise bring in savings a year? If they do not contemplate that policy, how will they continue to finance this waste: raise taxes or borrow more money? Despite the President’s recent claim that he has created jobs, thousands of university graduates are roaming the streets looking in vain for non-existent jobs. NPP should seize the initiative and tell us concretely how they plan to solve this serious problem. Answers like “we will create jobs through partnership with the private sector” would lack conviction. We need to know how they plan to achieve this, considering, for example, that the high interest rates, (now about 30%) charged by commercial banks make it difficult for the private sector to borrow money to invest.
During the 2012 campaign, NPP proposed the vote-winning free SHSs, which NDC pinched. Will NPP promise the same? If so, they must also tell us the estimated cost and funding sources. It would not do their credibility much good if they responded that they would manage our oil revenue more prudently to generate enough revenue to obviate the need to raise taxes or borrow to finance their policy. My reasons for saying so are the following. First, the level of Ghana’s oil production, like its educational standard, is firmly rooted at the bottom of the international league table. At best, our oil revenue is loose change which might buy us a decent cup tea in hard times. Secondly, and more important, the price of crude oil on the international market has been falling since last year, and still falling. A barrel of crude oil now sells for around US$24. Just a couple of years ago it fetched US$84. Nigeria, one of the world’s giant oil-producing countries, is now in the market looking for loans. So, where will most of the revue come from, apart from increased taxes and borrowing? NPP should tell us on record where in government expenditures they plan to wield the axe to make savings, as well as how they plan to generate more revenue.
Ghana’s huge deficit, heavy borrowing and high inflation (19% in January 2016) are a problem for the economy. It would do NPP a world of good with uncommitted voters if they told the nation their plans for reducing the deficit (and by how much a year) and balancing the budget at some future date. The important point here is that a government cannot promise fiscal responsible without also disclosing how they plan to address these three problems.
As the Auditor General’s reports have laid bare, the main causes of loss of state funds is corruption through financial mismanagement on the part of ministries, parastatals, regional assemblies, and individuals. It is reassuring that Nana Akufo-Addo so often reminds us that he is not corrupt. I don’t think President John Mahama is corrupt either. The real issue here is that the President is unwilling or incapable of taking the bull by the horn and fighting it bloodily like a matador. Nana Akufo-Addo the other day promised that his government would “stop corruption in government circle.” He should also tell us the weapons he plans to deploy to fight the canker. We know we have some legislation dealing with corruption. Is that enough; if not, what specific additional measures does he plan to introduce, their rationale, and their estimated implementation cost? Will these measures include proposing an amendment to the Constitution to create a post of independent Attorney-General, with autonomy like the Auditor General? These are terribly important issues.
I firmly believe that the uncommitted silent voters will swing the 2016 elections one way or the other, as they will only vote for the party that presents a detailed and credible programme of action, together with estimated costs and funding sources. Unfortunately, neither NDC nor NPP has done that so far. If the present trend of campaigning continues to election day, we are probably in for a stalemate where no party gets a majority. What an intriguing prospect!
Cedric Tsuo
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