The Ethnic Problem In The Ghanaian Body Politics And Its Security Significance

A topical issue of security interest is the ethnic problem in the Ghanaian body politic and its security implications.

In the aftermath of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) national delegates’ conference held on 25th August, 2001 at the University of Ghana (UG), Legon campus, the ethnic problem cropped up. Madam Hawa Yakubu, the Member of Parliament (MP) for Bawku Central Constituency and Minister for Tourism complained that no candidate from any of the three (3) regions in Northern Ghana had been elected to a national executive position. The protest by Madam Hawa Yakubu generated a debate by the public, with some NPP officials accusing her of arousing ethnic sentiments to divide the NPP along ethnic lines. However, some political commentators think that the nation’s leadership must acknowledge the existence of the problem of the ethnic factor in the Ghanaian body politic and address it, instead of under-estimating it.

Earlier in 2001, some people of the Upper West Region (UWR) had complained the UWR was sidelined in President John Agyekum Kufuor’s nominations for ministerial appointments. Again, much earlier in 2000, Parliament had debated a proposal for ethnic and Regional balance in enlistment into the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF).

The specific objectives of this basis paper are as follows:

ii) define and lay bare the complexity of the ethnic problem and clarify related concepts, iii) identify the causes of the ethnic problem, iv) outline the adverse effects of the problem, v) underline the security implications of ethnic animosity and conflicts, and vi) make recommendations that may help to curb ethnic animosity and conflicts, in order to enhance national cohesion and unity and thus maintain national security.

DEFINITIONS, COMPLEXITY OF THE PROBLEM AND CLARIFICATION OF CONCEPTS

A tribe is defined in the PAN ENGLISH DICTIONARY and OXFORD ADVANCED LEARNER’S DICTIONARY as “a social group of people, especially in a primitive or nomadic culture, united by language, religion, customs, claiming or occupying a particular territory under one (1) or more chiefs”. Relatedly, an ethnic group may be defined as a “a particular population speaking a common language and sharing common customs and traditions”. Thus we may have ethnic clothes, food, music, dance and restaurant. Though in a sense wars are considered primitive, we hear of ethnic groups like Serbs, Croats and Albanians at war in the Balkans in Europe, while they talk about tribal gods, dances and wars in Africa. It is note-worthy that the definition of tribe as a group claiming or occupying a particular territory gives a clue as to one possible source of conflict with another group.

Next, tribalism may be defined as ‘behaviour and attitudes that result from belonging to a tribe’.

In ethnocentrism, there is the tendency to believe in the absolute superiority of one’s own group or culture and thus the inclination to despise other groups. Also, it is significant to note that attitudes, behaviour belief as defined in tribalism and ethnocentrism constitute a potential source of conflict when one group interacts with another.

Furthermore, there is the problem of Regional and ethnic balance. Ghana has ten (10) Regions, but then numerous ethnic groups. While it is simpler arithmetically to achieve Regional balance, it is much more difficult to satisfy all ethnic groups within a given Region in the process of political appointment. The exception is the Ashanti Region, which apart from settler farmers and groups, is made up of traditional areas inhabited predominantly by Asantes. Then, there are three (3) Regions in Northern Ghana, namely Northern Region (NR), Upper East Region (UER), and Upper West Region (UWR), which cannot therefore together be considered as a homogeneous group.

In the NR, the Gonjas, Dagombas, Nanumbas and Mamprusis control the largest tracts of territory, while there are other ethnic minorities like the Konkombas, Nawuris and Basares. In achieving regional balance, there is the problem of whether the NR’s representative or appointee should come from the dominant or larger ethnic groups or the ethnic minorities. In the UER, there are Frafras, Kassenas, Nankanas, Builsas, Mamprusis, Kusasis and others, and the President will always face the problem of which of these ethnic groups to appoint the Regional Minister (RM) from. The UWR has Wallas, Dagaaba, Sissalas and so on, and the question arises which of these groups should represent the Region.

Also, the Volta Region (VR) is not inhabited by only Ewes, but also Akans, Guans, Konkombas, Atwodes, Challas, Chokosis and others. The Guan includes sub-groups like the Buem, Nchumurus, Avatimes, Likpes, Akpossos and Krachis. To appoint an Ewe as RM most of the time simply because the group is dominant, would engender discontent among the other groups in the VR.

Again, to define ethnic balance may not be simple in some cases. A non-ethnologist may find it difficult to clearly define whether Asantes, Fantes, Akyems, Assins, Denkyiras, and Brongs are separate ethnic groups or whether AKAN is the ethnic group, with all the afore-mentioned, subsumed as sub-groups of the AKAN. It is evidently difficult to achieve ethnic balance in this case. And then it is difficult to subsume the Ahantas, Nzemas, Wassas, and Sefwis under the AKAN because their various dialects and Twi or Fante are not mutually intelligible. Furthermore, it is not clear whether Gas, Adas, Shais and Krobos should be considered as separate ethnic groups, or sub-groups of one larger ethnic group – the Ga-Dangme group. If a Ga is appointed Minister, Krobos and others may feel he cannot adequately represent their interests.

CAUSES OF THE ETHNIC PROBLEM

HISTORICAL

The ethnic problem in Ghana has historical origins in the past tribal wars, alliances, territorial conquests, slave trade and payment of tributes by vassals to the conquerors. How the ancestors of a particular ethnic group fared in the tribal wars over the centuries shaped the behaviour, attitudes and perceptions of their descendants. Thus an Asante may today recall the glorious past of the Asante Kingdom, which received tributes from its vassals.

Historically, there was a military alliance between the Asantes and the Anlos, a coastal/southern sub-group of the Ewes. Thus the Asantehene sent gold dust and other items for the funeral of Togbe Adeladzea II, the Anlo Awomefia (Paramount Chief) in 1998.

The Akwamus were also, historically, allies of the Anlos agains a military alliance of Adas, Gas, Krobos, Akwapims, Akyems and the Danes.

Again, historically, the Fante Confederation was an alliance of Fante states to counter what they at that time perceived as Asante hegemony thrusting towards the coast. Some of the past animosity and antagonism between the Asantes and Fantes through the generations might have been carried over to the present day, latent, and not always openly shown.

POLITICAL

During the period before independence in 1957, some political parties were formed along ethnic lines in the Gold Coast. The Northern People’s Party (NPP), Togoland Congress and the Anlo Youth contested in the 1954 general elections. Also, the NPP, Togoland Congress and the National Liberation Movement (NLM), considered predominantly Asante, contested in the 1956 general elections.

It is significant to recall that these general elections contested by political parties formed along tribal lines, were characterized by physical clashes, arson and violence, bitter memories of which still linger, and are sometimes raked up and exploited by some present-day politicians. In effect some politicians today whip up ethnic sentiments as a strategy to canvass for votes.

THE ETHNIC FACTOR AND VOTING PATTERNS

The exploitation of the ethnic factor by some parties formed along ethnic lines during the pre-independence period, did not yield the expected results. In the 1956 general elections, while the Convention People’s Party (CPP) of Dr Kwame NKRUMAH won seventy-one (71) seats, ethnic-based parties like the Northern People’s Party, the NLM and the Togoland Congress won fifteen (15), twelve (12) and two (2) seats respectively.

In the 1969 general elections the Progress Party (PP), led by Dr. Kofi Abrefa BUSIA an Akan, won a landslide victory. However, there was a general perception then that tribal politics was at play with the PP tagged an Akan-dominated party, while the second – placed National Alliance of Liberals (NAL) led by Komla Agbeli GBEDEMA an Ewe, was perceived as an Ewe-dominated party.

As the figures in Table 1.1 show, the PP won overwhelmingly in the Ashanti, Brong Ahafo, Central, Eastern and Western Regions, predominantly inhabited by Akans, while NAL won overwhelmingly in the Volta Region (VR), mostly populated by Ewes.

TABLE 1.1

VOTES WON BY THE TWO LEADING PARTIES IN THE 1969 GENERAL ELECTIONS ON REGIONAL BASIS.

REGION PP ABSO- LUTE % NAL ABSO- LUTE % APRP ABSO- LUTE % UNP ABSO- LUTE % PAP ABSO- LUTE % IND ABSO- LUTE % VALID VOTES CAST Western 71.240 52.7 21.646 16.0 9.896 7.3 1.381 1.0 27.979 20.7 2.991 2.2 135.133 Central 105.118 65.5 38.578 24.1 9.420 5.9 3.963 2.5 3.277 2.0 71 0.04 160.377 Gt. Accra 43.608 35.8 39.145 32.2 - - 28.456 23.4 4.328 3.6 6.174 5.1 121.711 Volta 17.177 19.5 65.305 74.0 91 0.1 4.149 4.7 1.547 1.8 - - 88.269 Eastern 125.275 60.2 73.321 34.7 1.342 0.6 3.888 1.8 1.429 0.7 4.156 2.0 211.411 ASHANTI 233.751 79.2 47.835 16.2 622 0.2 5.049 1.7 2.688 0.9 5.228 1.8 295.173 B/Ahafo 127.707 84.7 21.960 14.6 - - 1.172 0.8 - - - - 150.839 Northern 50.301 47.8 44.643 42.4 2.756 2.6 2.488 2.4 2.644 2.5 2.381 2.3 105.213 Upper 94.315 55.6 54.743 32.3 3.201 1.9 4.874 2.9 7.293 4.3 5.286 3.1 169.712 Total 870.492 501 407.176 286.5 27.328 18.6 55.420 41.2 51.135 36.5 26.287 16.54 1.437.38

Source: Electoral Commission. The race between the PP and NAL was closer in the other Regions. In the Northern Region (NR), the PP won 47.8% of the votes, while NAL won 42.4%. Also, the PP won 55.6% of the votes in the Upper Region (UR), and NAL won 32.3%. It is pertinent to note that the People’s Action Party (PAP) led by Imoru Ayarna, a Northerner won only 2.5% of the votes in the NR and 4.3% in UR, but won 20.7% of the votes in the Western Region (WR). It would on the surface appear the people of the NR and UR did not vote along ethnic lines, considering the poor performance of AYARNA.

However, leading Northern members of the PP like S. D. DOMBO as well as Jato KALEO and others from NAL, apparently, attracted votes of the electorate in the NR and UR.

The ability of GBEDEMA of the NAL to speak Hausa on the political platforms, while campaigning, might have helped him to win a good number of votes from the NR and UR.

In the Greater Accra Region (GAR), the PP won 35.8% of the votes, while NAL won 32.2%.

It is note-worthy that the CPP had been proscribed and did not, therefore contest the 1969 general elections.

Next, in the 1979 parliamentary elections, there were some perceptions that voting patterns were along ethnic lines. The Popular Front Party (PFP) led by Victor OWUSU an Asante with origins in Dr. BUSIA’s PP, dominated in the Ashanti Region and Brong Ahafo Region, while the People’s National Party (PNP) won almost all the seats in the UR, home of Dr. Hilla LIMANN, its presidential candidate. It is significant to note that in the 1969 elections, the PP had won 55.6% of the votes in the UR. TABLE 1.2 BREAKDOWN OF SEATS WON BY EACH PARTY IN THE 1979 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

PARTY WESTERN CENTRAL GT. ACCRA VOLTA EASTERN ASHANTI B/AHAFO NORT- HERN UPPER TO- TAL PNP 9 8 6 11 11 2 2 7 15 71 PFP 1 - 1 5 6 19 10 4 1 47 UNC - - 3 - 4 1 - - - 8 ACP 3 7 - - - - - - - 10 SDF - - 1 - - - - 3 - 4 TFP - - - - - - - - - - IND - - - - - - - - - - TOTAL 13 15 11 16 21 22 12 14 16 140

SOURCE: Electoral Commission

As shown by the figures in TABLE 1.2, the PNP won majority of seats in the Volta, Eastern, Central, Western, Greater Accra and Northern Regions.

It is worth noting that unlike the 1996 and 2000 elections when the New Patriotic Party (NPP) won no seats in the Volta Region (VR), the PFP – its predecessor – won five (5) seats in 1979. The PFP had won six (6) seats in the Eastern Region (ER) and four (4) seats in the Northern Region (NR), comparatively better than other Regions, except the Ashanti and Brong Ahafo Regions.

In the 1992, 1996 and 2000 general elections, voting patterns were perceived to have been along ethnic lines, particularly in the Volta and Ashanti Regions. While the National Democratic Congress (NDC) won landslide victories in the Volta Region (VR), the NPP dominated the Ashanti Region. In the 1992 presidential election, Flt. Lt. Jerry John RAWLINGS of the NDC Won 93.2% of the votes in the VR as against 3.6% by Professor (Prof) Albert ADU BOAHEN.

In the Ashanti region, Prof. ADU BOAHEN won 60.5% of the votes, while Flt. Lt. Rawlings won 32.9%. This voting pattern continued in the 1996 and 2000 elections. In 1996, J. J. RAWLINGS obtained 94.4% of the votes in the VR, while John Agyekum KUFUOR got 4.8%. (a better performance than Prof. ADU BOAHEN in 1992). In the Ashanti Region, KUFUOR polled 75.5% of the votes in Ashanti Region (an appreciable improvement over the 1996 result), as against 22.71% obtained by Prof. John Evans Atta MILLS, presidential candidate of the NDC (a deterioration in performance as compared to RAWLINGS’ in 1996). In 2000, Prof. MILLS obtained 88.8% of the votes in the VR (lower percentage than RAWLINGS’ 94.4% in 1996), while KUFUOR had 6.94%, a slight improvement over his performance in 1996.

The current apparent ethnic factor in the voting pattern in the VR, evidently was not the case in the pre-independence era. In the 1954 elections, when the CPP won seventy-one (71) seats out of the one hundred and four (104), the Togoland Congress won two (2) seats and the Anlo Youth, only one (1) – evidence of a very poor performance by these two parties formed along ethnic lines. Also, in the 1956 elections the Togoland Congress won only 2 seats when the CPP won 71. Clearly, therefore, the people of the Trans-Volta Togoland and the Anlos of the Crown Colony did not vote along ethnic lines.

In the 1969 general elections, though NAL led by GBEDEMA from the VR overwhelmingly won 74% pf the votes in the Region, it was not as impressive as the 88.8% won by Prof. MILLS, a non-indigene of the VR in 2000.

It is note-worthy that Prof. MILLS, who is an indigence of the Central Region (CR) won only 43.73% of the votes there. Some political commentators contend that the people of the VR overwhelmingly voted for MILLS (88.8% as compared to 94.4% for RAWLINGS in 1996) because of the RAWLINGS factor and ethnic loyalty to him. However, if the electorate in the VR had not impressively voted for MILLS, some political observers might have well attributed that to MILLS being a non-indigene of the VR.

Again, in the 1969 general elections, the PP won 19.5% of the votes in the VR, much higher than the 3.6% won by ADU BOAHEN in 1992, 4.8% by KUFUOR in 1996 and 6.94% by KUFUOR in 2000.

The C.P.P had been proscribed and therefore did not contest the 1969 elections. Apparently, a substantial number of C.P.P. votes in the VR might have gone to NAL led by GBEDEMA, though he had fled from the C.P.P into exile. In other words, not all the votes obtained by NAL in 1969 might be attributed to the ethnic factor, especially as there are many non-Ewes who are indigenes of the VR.

Then in the 1979 general elections, the PNP – not perceived as an Ewe party-won eleven (11) out of the sixteen (16) seats or 68.75%, while the PFP won five (5) seats or 31.2%. This seemed to show a CPP/NPP dominance in the VR at that time. It is statistically striking to note that in the 1954 general elections, the CPP won a total of 71 seats nationwide and again 71 seats in the 1956 elections. Yet again in the 1979 elections, the PNP (with origins in the CPP) also won a total of 71 seats. The PNP dominance over the PFP in the VR in the 1979 elections appears to support the earlier notion that though GBEDEMA had fled from CPP into exile, a substantial number of CPP votes might have gone to GBEDEMA in 1969, though the CPP had been proscribed. It would therefore be reasonable to suppose that following the formation of splinter groups in the CPP family before the 1992 elections, a substantial chunk of CPP votes in the VR might have switched to the NDC.

In the years prior to the 1992 elections, the margin of defeat suffered by the PP and PFP in the Volta Region (VR) was not so wide. The PFP even won 5 seats in the VR in 1979. It would therefore appear that over the years, the apparent distrust, animosity and suspicions nursed against the PP, PFP and New Patriotic Party (NPP) – perceived in the VR as Ashanti parties – might have deepened. For example, there were reported speculations among illiterate folks in some rural areas of the VR that the NPP’s antagonism against the people of the VR had intensified to the extent that if the NPP won the elections, the people of VR would need passports to cross into Ghana, since before 1957, they were not part of the Gold Coast, but rather Trans-Volta Togoland.

Also, the late Victor OWUSU had antagonized many Ewes by making remarks that Ewes were “inward-looking people”. Consequently, before the presidential election run-off in 1979 between him and Dr. Hilla LIMANN, Victor OWUSU pacified the Anlos with a cow in an attempt to gain the favour of the electorate there. However, it seemed too late as Dr. LIMANN won that run-off.

Again, during the Busia regime, DE SOUZA the Member of Parliament (MP) for KETA once expressed concern about the Keta sea erosion problem and asked what effort government was making to solve the problem. In response, some MPs of the ruling Progress Party (PP) subjected DE SOUZA and Ewes to ridicule. While, one MP said there were vast tracts of forest in his area in the Brong Ahafo Region (BAR) to resettle the people of the Keta area, another MP (amid laughter by his colleagues) mockingly said the people would not wish to leave their homes because of their ‘amagas’ (the MP’s expression for deities).

Furthermore, there were rumours that Brigadier (Brig.) Amankwa Akwasi AFRIFA secretly had a hand in the killing of Lieutenant-General (Lt. Gen.) Emmanuel Kwasi KOTOKA during the abortive coup on 17th April 1967, led by Lieutenant S. B. ARTHUR. It would be recalled that on 24th February, 1966, the then Colonel KOTOKA and Major AFRIFA had fought together to topple Dr. Kwame NKRUMAH in the first successful coup d’etat in Ghana.

At the burial of Lt. Gen. Kotoka, Brig. AFRIFA who used to call him ‘my master and friend’, fainted. However, the rumours persisted. Consequently, there grew a perception among Ewes that Akans, especially Asantes usually pretend to be friends, but eventually turn out to be treacherous, as Lt. Gen. KOTOKA and Brig. AFRIFA has seen blood and fire together during the 1966 coup.

It must be stressed that political operatives as a strategy, often exploit distrust and animosity between ethnic groups, while agents provocateurs deepen suspicions by the use of disinformation.

Again, it is significant to note that in the 1992, 1996 and 2000 elections, the percentage of votes polled by the NDC in the Ashanti Region was higher than the percentage of votes polled by the NPP in the Volta Region. This may be partly attributed to the fact that the NDC has eminent Asantes like Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, Paul Victor OBENG, Kwame PEPRAH AS WELL AS INFLUENTIAL Asante paramount chiefs like Nana Oduro Numapau,Essumegyahene and Nana Akuoko Sarpong, Agogohene.

ECONOMIC

An underlying cause of the ethnic problem is economic. Tribe was, earlier on, defined ‘as an independent social group claiming or occupying a particular territory’. Now whenever the claim of one tribe or ethnic group over a particular territory is challenged by another ethnic group, then inter-ethnic strife erupts.

Territory subsumes land, mineral resources, pasture, water, fishing rights, inter alia, over which ethnic wars were fought in the past centuries. One of the causes of the wars between the Asante Kingdom and the Fante Confederation was economic. While the Asantes in the interior wished to have direct access to the coastal trade with the Europeans devoid of middlemen, the Fantes on the coast considered this as a threat to their economic interests and profits.

Significantly, the conflicts in Northern Ghana, notably the Konkomba-Nanumba, Konkomba-Dagomba and Gonja-Nawuri conflicts are all attributable to an underling economic cause and land disputes.

Furthermore, economic reasons explain the migration of people from Northern Ghana to the south over the past decades to look for employment, and many of them eventually ended up as unskilled and sanitary labourers.

Again, members of one ethnic group may migrate to more fertile areas in the country. For example, there are many Konkombas in the Krachi District of the Volta Region, who are settler farmers. Sometimes, there occur disputes between the Konkombas and the Krachis, whenever the settlers (Konkombas) perceive that their landlords (Krachis) are demanding an unfair share of the produce from the land.

Next, the construction of the Akosombo Dam adversely affected the fishing activities of Battors in the North and South Tongu Districts in the Volta Region, thus compelling them to migrate to areas of the Afram Plains in the Brong Ahafo, Eastern and Northern Regions along the banks of the Volta Lake. Occasionally, disputes crop up between these settler fishermen and the indigenous inhabitants, mostly over land use.

PSYCHO-CULTURAL AND MISCELLANEOUS FACTORS

Certain stereotypes of the various ethnic groups in Ghana have over the decades, become etched on the minds of Ghanaians. These stereotypes often turn out to be sweeping generalizations and misconceptions, not taking into account the dynamics of socio-cultural changes and interactions. Thus, Asantes are often perceived as boastful and avaricious; Ewes as clannish and miserly; Fantes as frivolous and eager to outdo the European in his ways and culture; Gas as braggarts and pugnacious; Kwahus as endowed with business acumen, but shylocks and Northerners as conservative, subservient and inflexibly loyal. Again, it used to be the general perception that Ewes and Northerners were the most eager to be enlisted in the Ghana Armed Forces and the Ghana Police Service, because there was lack of good employment in their areas.

There are many languages and dialects spoken in Ghana. However, only a few like Twi, Fante, Ga, Ewe, Nzema, Dagbani and Hausa were put into written form by the colonialists. Though the Guans are the earliest settlers of the Gold Coast, it was only recently that attempts have been made to develop a common orthology for the Guans who comprise sub-groups like the Gonjas, Nchumurus, Nkonyas, Lartehs, Anums, Krachis, Avatimes, Buems, Awutus, Efutus, Akpafus and many others. It is note-worthy that there are many dialects in Northern Ghana, which are not in written form.

There is the tendency for ethnic groups, whose languages are in written form to feel superior to those whose dialects are not. Furthermore, the higher the literacy rate in a given ethnic group, the greater advantage it has over others with a lower literacy rate. Ethnic prejudices may be so deep-seated that a semi-literate chop-bar keeper may feel reluctant to serve a sombre-suited bureaucrat whose tribesmen used to pound fufu in the chop-bars.

Again, ethnic bias may be so deep-rooted that professors of a so-called enlightened ethnic group may fanatically cling to a negative mindset about certain other ethnic groups. Wherever ignorance and illiteracy are widespread, especially in the rural areas and the urban slums, it is easier for political operatives and agents provocateurs to use disinformation and other tactics to whip up ethnic sentiments and play one ethnic group against the other. This is made easier when there is a communication gap between the various ethnic groups.

Psychologically, there may always be the fear by one ethnic group or some ethnic groups that a particular ethnic group or others intend to dominate them. “Conflict occurs when groups or individuals perceive that others have frustrated or are about to frustrate their major interests”. (BARON, 1986)

These major interests may be political, economic or social. Some ethnic groups may feel that others want to monopolise political power and thus take a much larger share of the national cake in terms of infrastructure and development projects like asphalted roads, good schools, hospitals, manufacturing industries, housing units, potable water, electricity and telecommunications, among other things.

ADVERSE EFFECTS OF THE ETHNIC PROBLEM AND THE SECURITY SIGNIFICANCE Inter-ethnic animosity, disputes and conflicts have adverse political, economic and social effects with attendant security significance. POLITICAL

Politically, ethnic differences are often exploited by political operatives, resulting in inter-ethnic clashes as occurred during the 2000 elections between the Kusasis (perceived as pro-NDC) and Mamprusi (perceived as pro-NPP) in the Bawku area in the Upper East Region.

ECONOMIC

Economically, ethnic clashes result in widespread destruction of property and personal effects running into billions of cedis. Ethnic clashes also disrupt economic activities like agriculture, industry and trade thus causing damage to the national economy. Food and relief items sent to people displaced following ethnic clashes, become an extra burden on the national economy as was the case in the Konkomba – Nanumba and Konkomba – Dagomba clashes in the Northern conflict, which spilled over to the northern part of the Volta Region in 1994.

SOCIAL

When inter-ethnic animosity, strife and suspicions permeate society, there is resultant social rancour and acrimony to the extent that the social fabric is weakened. For example, when at the workplace it becomes rife that promotions and top appointments are not based on merit, and superiors elevate tribesmen over others not from their tribe, morale is seriously dampened, while societal cohesion is undermined.

SECURITY SIGNIFICANCE

Ethnic conflicts are of security significance, firstly because they lead to political instability. When inter-ethnic clashes become rampant in a country, there is growing insecurity among the populace, who start questioning the capability of the government to maintain law and order to make the people feel secure. Hence, there may start agitation for a change of government.

Secondly, ethnic conflicts disrupt economic activities, while scarce national resources are diverted to restore order, instead of being utilized for new development projects to improve the living standards of the populace. Consequently, falling living standards may cause disaffection among the people against the government.

Eventually, the occurrence of ethnic conflicts necessitates the deployment of security forces, like OPERATION GONG-GONG at tremendous cost during the Northern conflict in 1994 to restore order.

Again, there is always the danger that ethnic animosity in civil society may spill over to the Armed Forces, Police and other security services and divided the rank-and-file along ethnic lines. This is one of the greatest threats to the cohesion and security of any nation.

In countries where ethnic animosity and conflicts were not curbed, they eventually degenerated into civil wars as occurred in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia and La Cote d’Ivoire.

RECOMMENDATIONS THAT MAY HELP TO CURB ETHNIC ANIMOSITY AND CONFLICTS

In Ghana, there have been some positive signs of rapprochement between the various ethnic groups, as a result of cultural interaction. For instance, some people of the South, including top government functionaries wear northern smocks or batakari and muslim robes. They also enjoy eating tuo zaafi. On the other hand, people of northern extraction also eat kenkey, fufu, banku and other meals of the Southern people. During national dance competitions, contestants from the south do northern dances like the takai and damba. There are some cases of inter-marriages between young couples from the various ethnic groups, sometimes in defiance of their parents.

The following suggestions and recommendations may help to break down the barriers of suspicion and distrust, where they exist between various ethnic groups and hence curb ethnic animosity:

I) inter-marriages between the various ethnic groups may be encouraged and not opposed by parents and relatives, since they serve to forge bonds between ethnic groups;

ii) the state information machinery, print and electronic media as well as the National Commission on Civic Education (NCCE) may embark on intensive campaigns to educate the people on the negative effects of ethnic animosity and conflicts and the urgent need for national unity;

iii) the National and Regional Houses of Chiefs may, through sub-chiefs and queen mothers at the community level, educate their subjects about the need for peaceful co-existence with other ethnic groups;

iv) the Church and other religious leaders, whose followers are made up of various ethnic groups may use the pulpit to preach national unity, love and fraternity among the various ethnic groups;

v) in the curriculum of first cycle schools, pupils may be encouraged to study one (1) Ghanaian language other than their own mother tongue, while others may be encouraged to emulate Mrs Theresa Kufuor who speaks Ewe, though she is Akan;

vi) posting of public servants and national service personnel to areas other than the traditional areas they come from;

vii) excursions of students and voluntary work camps may be organized during long vacation periods to facilitate interaction between various ethnic groups;

viii) inter-school sports festivals and the National Festival of Arts and Culture may be given a practical dimension to effectively forge links between the various ethnic groups;

ix) Regional Ministers and District Chief Executives may be appointed from outside the respective Regions and Districts;

x) The parliamentary candidacy of non-indigenes may be encouraged, for example if an Ashanti has been resident in the Ketu South Constituency for many years, he should be encouraged to contest the parliamentary seat on the ticket of the NDC; similarly if an Ewe has lived long enough in the Bantama Constituency, he may be supported to be parliamentary candidate of the NPP and the electorate accordingly educated;

xi) Government must ensure that the national cake is fairly shared and that there is no imbalance in the siting of infrastructural and other development projects like asphalted roads, schools, hospitals, housing projects, manufacturing industries, telecommunications, inter alia;

xii) Thus the Hamile-Wa-Bamboi, Bolgatang-Wa roads have to be rehabilitated; Pwalugu tomato and Zuarungu meat factories must be reactivated; the Nangodi gold mine in the Upper East Region should be re-opened, and the limestone deposits at Buipe ought to be mined to create jobs for the unemployed youth, and

xiii) The N.P.P. government may embark on a crash programme to construct the Hohoe-Yendi, Sogakope-Ho-Fume, Worawora-Dambai-Keta Krachi roads, utilizing chippings from the quarry at Adaklu; exploit gold and diamonds in the Kadjebi area as well as iron ore at Akpafu; exploit oil in the Keta and Volta basins, and reactivate the Aveyime tannery as well as establish other industries, in order to demonstrate to the people of the Volta Region that their distrust and suspicion of the NPP are misplaced.

Finally, government, must endeavour to erase the erroneous notion that one’s tribesman needs to be elected President or appointed to a top government position before one, or one’s area can have all the good things of life like employment, good roads, schools, hospitals and other amenities.

XOLA SENAYA ACCRA

SEPTEMBER 2001