The Transitory Elations of a Duped Nation

Untested Institutions Under the Microscope

Sometimes the objective of knowledge sharing is served when the involved actors allow the facilitator(s) of the discourse to narrow the parameters of the discussion to avoid tangential interjections. In today?s article, I hope readers will engage me in a discourse to examine the ineffectuality of some of our nation?s neocolonial institutions and the false-piety that these establishments defend the values of democratic egalitarianism and protect society?s vulnerable.

Democracy, given its definitional and conceptual ambiguities can sometimes deceive the public into believing that, democracy, regardless of its visible perversions, is the best form of government, and the upholder of citizens? best interests. In my opinion, which is mine only, our nation?s democracy is a democracy in name only. Thus, it is an electoral system, and does not have the requisite independent foundations of a true institutional democracy, which is, to defend the electorate against the excesses of the elected, and the state.

What do you make of a democracy that disables the public from callings for institutional changes after electing a president? Do the people, in the aftermath of an election, have to fold their arms for the next four years knowing the insufficiencies within some of the nation?s establishments? Are there any procedural guidelines on how the public can call for the dismissal of ministers whose conducts violate the provisions of their office, and the terms of the constitution?

By supreme orders of the Ghanaian Constitution, is not the president and his ministers supposed to declare their assets prior to assuming office? Did they, and if they did, which they did not, does the public have access to these classified declarations? If the response to the preceding question is no, which it is, then this is one of the enduring problems of our nation?s electoral democracy. As a nation, our reluctance to engage the state in serious debates to compel lawmakers to make the necessary amendments to certain sections of the nation?s constitution will give this president, and future ones, the latitude to foist their associates on us knowing that, there is no recourse to remedy existing ills. Now, we understand why our nation?s presidents will always want to avoid public debates on policies, and their vision for the nation. Do they really have any?

The malfunctions within some of our nation?s most viable institutions, such as the judiciary, the police, Office of Accountability among others, stems from the nation?s expressed comfort with the status quo, and the unceasing partisan frowns against peripheral demands that we reform, and strengthen the institutions of the state into meeting the increasing challenges of the twenty-first century. As history has it, a true democracy is possible if it evolves from an electoral democratic state into an institutional system of governance that encourages, and empowers, the public to challenge the extravagance of state functionaries without fear. Despite proof of corruption, and the president?s daring the public to provide evidence, no member of the public would take the president?s offer knowing that s/he could be exhausted financially, without any final outcome to the case.

While some would defend the present system as the best, which is a subjective, such a linear characterization, which is laced with partisan prejudice, is unhealthy to our nation?s democracy. As a poor nation, we sat in distress to watch some of our poorest politicians become local billionaires, and flaunt their ill-acquired wealth. As a nation laboured by acute poverty, we could not sequester the Edumadze Syndrome from infecting some of our indigenous-capitalist ministers? Despite allegations of bribery, the nation?s ?Zero-Tolerance? zealots could not investigative Mr. Paul Victor Yaw Obeng?s admission that he gave inside information to Scancem in return for money? With such a mindset, it is not an overstatement to hypothesize that, in Ghana, the wealthy could kill in broad day light, and walk way without any criminal sanction from the very institutions that are supposed to protect citizens from harm.

Despite the interminable claims that institutional independence exist in the business of the state, it is known that certain political appointees dilute probing questions, and narrow the scope of an investigation, even when substantial evidence exist to establish culpability. ACP Kofi Boakye?s narco-case is one of the many such cases with a terrible investigative outcome. In the aftermath of an investigation that failed to locate the missing cocaine, Superintendent Tabiri, and other investigators were rewarded with generous appointments, and the whistleblower, Miss Asibi, left to fend for herself against threats from the narco-underworld. Isn?t our electoral democracy and its romantic pledges beautiful?

In some months gone by, the Attorney General, Mr. Joe Ghartey, scolded the nation?s media for publishing the photographs of two British girls who were arrested at the Kotoka International Airport for transporting cocaine. Matter of fact, Mr. Ghartey threatened the pressmen and women with criminal prosecution should they go ahead to making public the pictures of these two narco-mules. When did the Attorney General become Children?s Rights Advocate on narcotics? When did the Attorney General ever extend the Juvenile Offenders Act to Ghanaian children who have been caught in similar situations, and who were put in jail with adults? Why would Mr. Joe Ghartey burden himself with protecting the identity of two British narco-juveniles, yet failed to protect the identity of a three-year old girl who testified in a rape case?

The rape of Ghanaian boys by certain European tourists, who are subsequently absolved by our laws is another sad chapter to our democracy, and the rule of law. Given our weak borders and the untreatable corruption within the state, does Mr. Ghartey and our court(s) think that the deportation of a pedophile, despite proof of wrongdoing, is enough deterrence to prevent from re-entering the country to sexually exploit the nation?s unsuspecting youth? A democracy without viable institutions is not any better than a dictatorship with pseudo-institutions. After all, both political systems deny their citizens the constitutional protections they need against harm.

In a democracy, a constitution and the laws of the state are not worth any value, if citizens cannot interpret the meta-messages within the supreme laws of the land and urge the government to reform the nation?s deficient institutions, and reverse the overwhelming greed within the government. From hereon, let?s challenge our politicians to become men and women of action, and not preachers of hope for a glorious tomorrow. Hungry nations do not eat hope. Let?s encourage exchanges that dissect our unnecessary elations with democracy and constitutionalism, and look for solutions to our depressing problems. In the face of courtesy, let?s wait patiently for the cyber Alman Al-Zawahiris to resurface from their hideout in the caves of Waziristan to flood our minds with their satanic partisan verses. Unlike Ayatollah Khomeini, the Supreme Leaser of the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Obenewaa does not impose ?fatwas.? Do I? We are not a serious nation. Are we? Hope all is well. Good day and cheer.