Editorial: Another NPP Ashanti-Akyem rivalry

The stage has been set once more for the Ashantis and Akyems to rake up the historical rivalry between them, if current political and ethnic undercurrents are to be taken seriously.

For several years the rivalry between two of Ghana?s dominant Akan speaking groups has bordered on political infighting rather than the well documented cultural and ethnic claims to superiority.


The Paa Willie break away which cost the Popular Front Party (NPP?s antecedent) the 1979 general elections is one political miscalculation the Danquah/Busia group will never forget and perhaps, will never repeat.


The test of the 2000 presidential and parliamentary election was all about keeping the NPP united. And the onus was on the loser (Nana Addo Danquah Akufo Addo) to show political maturity by rallying behind the winner (candidate John Agyekum Kufuor ) to stake a second claim for the presidency after 30 years in opposition and after what they called a ?stolen verdict? in 2000.


Most political commentators agree that the Akyems were aggrieved after Nana Addo lost to John Kufour in 1998 for which an imminent split was on the cards.


Allegations then doing the rounds had it that the ruling NDC government marshaled all resources and political wits to fuel the split. The analysts say NDC?s machinations to have the NPP split initially worked to perfection as some Akyem political heavy weights, as well as mischief makers moved to launch a new political movement.

One view is that the only factor that frustrated attempts of another Akyem breakaway party was Nana Addo himself. As the message of a breakaway spread like wild fire among the Akyems and their sympathizers, Nana Addo made a personal commitment to standby candidate Kufuor to send a clear signal to his fellow Akyems that despite losing to John Kufuor, the party remained in tack and was not about to be sacrificed for individual gain. From region to region, town to town, village to village, hamlet to hamlet, funeral to funeral and festival to festival, Nana Addo was seen with candidate Kufuor (now president Kufuor). Analysts say that trick, based solely on Nana Addo?s personal sacrifice ensured that NPP went to the 2000 polls united.


Many were those, including the party?s intellectuals who gave then candidate Kufuor the slightest chance of winning the 2000 presidential elections. He was a complete write off by his own party men and women, except the few like Nana Addo, and Jake Obetsebi Lamptey etc, who defied all the polls and political calculations and stood by their man. In terms of commitment and proven results for the party Jake has clearly accomplished himself as two times campaign manager of President Kufuor. All who monitored NPP rallies and campaigns saw that it was after results of the first round put candidate Kufuor in the lead that the ?doubting Thomases? came out of their sheaths.


The logic had been that having worked so tireless to douse the flames of a split in NPP which ensured victory for President Kufuor, Nana Akufo-Addo should have been the preferred candidate to replace outgoing President Kufuor. Some have also countered this logic, arguing that had there been a succession plan, Vice President Aliu Mahama should naturally have been the automatic choice. But the fact that President Kufuor has not even made a single reference to his Vice President as a potential replacement shows how murky the political game plan has become. Is President Kufuor really rooting for Allan Kyerematen? If yes, what are the implications of such a game plan? Will the party be united for the 2008 general elections? The answer depends on who one talks to.


Realistically, the announcement of Reformed Patriotic Democrats, (which claims to draw 90 of its members from the NPP and 10 percent from the NDC) is a prelude of events to follow. Some reports suggest that most of the members of this new party are drawn from the Eastern Region is a timely warning. This party can be written off for now, but everybody remembers the harm the Reform Party caused the NDC.


Word doing the rounds suggests that the Akyems are particularly unhappy about the marginalization of the Okyenhene, Osagyefuo Amoatia Ofori Payin II under a Kufuor-led NPP government, while projecting the Asantehene, Osei Tutu II. Some analysts suggest that initially there were signs that the Castle supported the idea of Akufo Addo succeeding Kufuor; at least as a presidential candidate, but thoughts of a future Akufo Addo -led NPP government trying to prop up the Okyenhene over the Asantehene caused ripples among the power brokers at the castle and elsewhere, hence the change of mind.

It is not however, automatic that whoever President Kufuor backs will win the support of the delegates, at least judging from the Steve Ntim for chairmanship debacle. The call now is for openness in the selection of the delegates, so that all candidates will have some feeling of fair play.


One thing is clear and that is, political power is not gained on a silver platter. That is why all candidates must get to the ground rather than groaning that one candidate is being unfairly projected.

The permutations

The Eastern Region candidates will have themselves to blame if the results go anyway, other than the east. This will then give meaning to the political dictum that ?oppositions don?t win elections; it is governments that lose them.? Put together, there are about six candidates from Eastern Region alone, (Hackman Owusu Agyeman, Owusu Agyepong, Dan Botwe, Osafo- Maafo, Nana Addo Danquah Akufo-Addo, Boakye Agyarko) etc. In elections, (even in the advanced democracies) candidates mostly rely on home support before looking elsewhere for support. Initial suggestions that some of the candidates should throw their weights behind one or two candidates were hotly disputed, with each candidate insisting on going it alone. Perhaps, after December 22, when the chips are down the eastern block would have realized they gave the election away.


Alan Kyerematen


The sheer numbers of the eastern candidates give Allan Kyerematen a head start. He is a candidate who is counting on a solid Ashanti support, unless Dr. Kofi Apraku and Dr. Addo Kufour (the president?s brother) can make some inroads in Ashanti. Better still Allan is hoping to draw strong support from the Central Region, where his mother comes from. There is controversy however, about his closeness to the Fantis. Some argue that on paper his mother is Fanti alright, but he is more of Ashanti than a Fanti. His critics say he never really talked openly about his Fanti antecedents until recently when he decided to contest the primaries.


Papa Owusu Ankomah

The decision of this fine gentleman to join the race could be the nemesis of Allan Kyeremanten. Papa has a rich resume as NPP parliamentarian from the heady days of 1996 when he beat the late fire-spitting Bosomtwe Sam of the NDC against all odds and has since held on to that seat, making him a big asset from the party in both the central and western regions. While he has been in parliament since 1996 and has held four different ministerial portfolios, Allan can only boast of one ministerial job and no parliamentary experience.


All said, in terms of experience Papa is ahead of Allan and if that is the criteria by which the delegates from the west and central will vote, then Allan is in trouble. The failure of Allan to garner the support of the regions could benefit Papa. I think Papa has what it takes to sway delegates of the two regions, which in the last two elections voted massively for the NPP. Some analysts also think that Papa and Dr. Frimpong Boateng, both from the Western Region could forge an alliance. Dr. Boateng is fast becoming making some inroads in his campaign with a list of realistic professional and industrial accomplishments which he can replicate at the national level to make Ghana dependent on local technology.


Potentially both Papa and Allan could spoil the party for front runners like Nana Addo, Hackman, Addo Kufuor and Alhaji Aliu Mahama, who I must say cannot really get hold of region as his stronghold, not even his northern heartland. Perhaps, his recent inroads in the Volta region could translate into votes, since no candidate has yet emerged from the Volta. The Vice president?s trump card is incumbency. Let?s see how that translates into votes. Between now and December 22, there could be some compromises. I can envisage some candidates selling their slots for more than the going price of GHC25, 000 and throwing their weights behind stronger candidates.