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The NPP Asante-Akyem Divide Is Not A Hoax!

Thu, 30 Sep 2010 Source: Mensah, Nana Akyea

Deal With It!

by Nana Akyea Mensah, The Odikro.*

A rejoinder to: "NPP Asante-Akyem Divide A Hoax" Feature Article of

Monday, 16 August 2010, by Columnist: Yeboah, Kwaku

It might be easier for the new NPP apologists to deny events that

happened several years ago than the ones that keep unfolding with each

passng day! Whilst a simple review of current discussions around the

subject can be used to debunk such a silly propaganda that the NPP

Ashanti-Akyem divide is a hoax, my own ideological objectives for

writing this article compel me to go down a bit deeper into our

collective memory lane, and try to understand what went wrong and what

could be done to repair the harm that this is causing to our

body-politic, and to confront the phenomenon of ethnocentric politics

head-on. I am going to argue that the current petrifugal forces

tearing the NPP apart are as old as the Busia-Danquah tradition

itself. My thesis is that before and after the formation of the United

Party the motley groups of disperate ethnocentric chiefs and the

ruling aristocracy in general were separately mobilized by the agents

of the colonial power that was eager to undermine the radical demands

for self-government by the CPP Thus it was that almost in all the

then principal regions of the Gold Coast, from the Trans-Volta

Togoland we had S. G. Antor and his Togoland Congress seeking to break

away from the new nation. The same pattern was repeated in the Ashanti

Region through the Chief Linguist of the Asante King, Okyeame Baafour

Akoto, whose slogan "Mate Meho" meant nothing other than secession

from Ghana. Even in the very capital city of Ghana, Accra, we had a

group of people who were inspired enough to worry exclusively about

the welfare of the Gas over and above every other Ghanaian in Accra.

It was the passage of the Political Parties Law of 1955 after the

threats posed by these inward-looking groups to the political health

our new nation became evident. It was this law that brought together

in one political party, people who hitherto were either suspicious of

each other or even hated each other were forced to come together to

ensure their individual survival as political entities.

The methods of mobilization and the political narrative of this group

has always been through the various ethnic networks and the

exploitation of prevalent ethnocentric biases and prejudices within

each of these communities that predated the formation of the Unity

Party. Thus we saw from the remarks of Mr. Akufo-Addo's spokesperson,

Dr. Arthur Kennedy made plain on Myjoyonline.com on Election day as

the results started coming in, in the Ashanti Region, the NPP is

unofficially extremely dependent on the Asanti King in mobilizing

voters on the voting day, or for example, their recent insistance on

who must be the chief of the Gas in the hope that those loyal to the

chief would not forget them in the ballot box. The recklessness of

such a behaviour was in full display when candidate Kufour sided with

one faction of the Gbewa Palace and promised the removal of the Ya Naa

who was subsequently murdered with a large number of his entourage in

his own palace later on when Kufour became President! The

Ashanti-Akyem divide is thus a sympton of a very big disease, or, as

they say, just a tip of the iceberg. Far from running away from it

and denying its existence as a reality, this problem needs to be

recognized and confronted head-on. This has been the motivation behind

this article. I know that any paradigm shift within the NPP against

ethnocentric politics shall benefit this country immensely since this

would imply a change in the political narratives that continue to

divide us as a people.

The significance of such a change is enormous for the simple reason

that they would have to look for a common denominator to appeal to the

ordinary Ghanaian voter, such as class interests. The CPP which is

completely opposed to all forms of ethnocentric politics stands to

benefit from this so let no one tell me this is none of my CPP

business. The poor of this country stand to benefit from the weakening

of the systematic attempts by the property owning class to hoodwink

them with primitive tribal appeals that have no connection with the

ends of their daily struggles for sheer survival. The NPP

Ashanti-Akyem divide is not a hoax. One only needs to read the works

of the leading protagonists of the Asante-Akyem divide to get the

picture, if this is a hoax or a reality that the party must sit up and

deal with. Just this week I have read a lot of feature articles on

this subject. The most notable has been the attack by Kwame

Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., on the former President Kufour as being an NDC

sympathyser. That in itself would not have mattered much, if someone

had not bothered to advice Okoampa to tone down his attacks on

President Kufour and to plead for both Akyems and Ashantis to come

together for the sake of Nana Addo, whom Okoampa also happens to

support. The response from kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr. to this appeal

should explain to any doubting Thomases anywhere whether or not the

Ashanti-Akyem divide in the NPP is a hoax.

Under the title, "Comment: Did I Impress Your wife?" Okoampa responded:

"Man, are you good at spewing crap! All of a sudden, it is the fault

of Owusu-Akyem Tenten Nana Kwame Okoampa-Agyeman! That I served as

Local Government secretary under Rawlings when the judges you so much

cared about went missing.

Yes, the Akyem-Mafia killed the judges!

Barima, ask those who went to secondary school with me: I was editing

"The Mountaineer" when Kufuor was a Kwaku Baah lieutenant and B. B.

Ofori was my genius Geography tutor!

In 1932, when the real Asante-Mafia ran my maternal grandfather, Rev.

T. H. Sintim out of the Adum section of Kumasi and off his job as the

first native-Ghanaian headteacher, for being criminally culpable of

Akyem descent and heritage, as JUstice Sarpong put it rather mildly a

few days ago, Nana Yawbe Sintim-Aboagye was "acting high and mighty,"

as the expression is the exclusive behavioral preserve of Akyemfo.

Don't talk about Dr. Richard Anane now: I saw and read your large

corpus of protest literature on Ghanaweb. Rather, let's talk about Mr.

Osafo Maafo. Oh, no, no, no.... Why? Because he is only an

Akyem-Kotoku bastard!

My friend, where were you when the Ejisu-Piranhas ran me out of

NPP-USA because I had dared to call Uncle Kofi Diawuo his real name?

And where were you when my own father, the founding-libator of the

Amansie Society of New York was banished because one of your royal

Asante-Angels suddenly discovered that his tabooed Akyem identity was

stalling the progress of the organization?

My friend, you are lucky you are spewing such guff tens of miles away;

else, I would strangle you and face execution by lethal injection!" -

Author: Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Date: 2010-08-12 23:48:31 (See

Comment to: "RE: “Kufuor continues to campaign for Atta-Mills" Feature

Article of Friday, 13 August 2010, by Columnist: Boahene, Peter

Owusu,)

The NPP must not be encouraged to play down the canker of ethnicity

that is eating its own soul away! The earlier they dealt with this,

the better it would be not just for the NPP but our dear country as a

whole! This should not be so difficult to do. A great majority of

modern Akyems and Ashantis do care more about the national economy and

how to make ends meet more than whether or not to love or hate any

ethnic group. Most Ghanaians are enlightened enough to instinctively

shy away from divisive, "tribal" or paroacial etnocentric politics in

these modern times. Unfortunately as this is a phenomenon that did not

come about on its own, it shall most certainly not go away on its own.

It is even worse when we fail to confront it. The building of modern

Ghana was realised through the collective efforts of the ordinary

Ghanaian from all walks of life, irrespective of ethnic origin, who,

knowing that their economic hardships and lack of social mobility,

were linked to the system of colonial domination which permitted a

naked system of mass robbery and generalized economic looting by

foreign companies and their local agents, prosecuted a bitter

struggle, culminating in the 1948 riots against what came to be known

to this day as AWAM. The ex-servicemen whose tales recieved the rapt

attention of all the people of the Gold Coast were speaking directly

to them in all their various languages, as they were virtually

everywhere!

Our history tells us clearly that the colonialist stooges of the epoch

who later founded the UGCC were completely overtaken by events after

the war, and were merely taking steps to usurp the people's authority

and to abuse it as it is usual and expected from them. With inflation

running high, cost of living becoming unbearable, the people of the

Gold Coast were becoming very restive. This mood was reinforced by the

returning ex-servicemen who became centres of attraction throughout

the country with their tales of conquests which unmasked white

supremacist superstitions, helped to remove colonialist inferiority

and dependency complexes, and created a powder keg for the

anti-colonialist struggle waiting to be ignited by Kwame Nkrumah.

Hitherto, the only available leadership to the Gold Coast population

were principally composed of individual members of the ruling Gold

Coast elite, seeking their personal advancement in the representation

of their class in the colonial legislative and executive structures.

They were not per se against colonialism. They were against being

excluded from the booty. Their highest political ambition was not

independence, but to share political power, albeit in a very

subordinate position with their colonial masters maintaining the power

of veto. Initially, they were very satisfied with this arrangement. It

was the self-mobilisation of the people, ably assisted by the

full-time General Secretary of the UGCC, Mr. Kwame Nkrumah. that

changed the whole ball game! For example, the highest political

ambition of Dr. Joseph Boakye Danquah, the doyen of proto-nationalism

in the Gold Coast, was to be a Colonial Secretary. His dream of the

Gold Coast independence was no different from the cynicism that the

Foreign Office staff greeted the UN Declaration of Self-Determination

by Colonised Peoples.

Of course, it is true that President Roosevelt had managed to secure

Britain on board with the UN declaration supporting

self-determination, as Sir Brian Urquhart, who was a member of the

staff involved in the setting-up of the United Nations in 1945, and

has advised every Secretary-General of the United Nations since its

inception recounts, the achievement of Kwame Nkrumah, even though the

British committed themselves openly to self-determination for the

colonial territories, most people at the foreign office involved in

these affairs really thought this was going to be a matter of hundred

or hundred and fifty years after the declaration. This is why they

were very comfortable with the slogan: "Self-government within the

shortest possible time". Many of them were thus rudely upset by

"Self-Government Now!" Thus it was, that instead of the 150 years that

the colonialists were dreaming of, "It took twenty years!" You may

come to my blog to watch this interview in which Sir Brian Urquhart

asserts:

"When I first joined the UN in 1945 I was astonished particularly by

the Foreign Office people would say "Well, Decolonisation, small

matter, hundred years, hundred and fifty years maybe. Well, actually

it took twenty." Sir Brian Urquhar in "Decolonization in Africa (Kwame

Nkrumah Sekou Toure)" available on Youtube.

Sir Brian Urquhart rightly credits Kwame Nkrumah for such an

extraordinary leadership! From this interview, it is clear that the

very slogan, "self-government within the shortest possible time", was

music to their colonialist ears! After years of intensive

indoctrination, the colonialist investments in the education of the

some of the aristocracy among the natives was paying off. They even

went as far as to create first class and second class citizens. Those

with landed property would have the right to vote, whilst those who

had nothing, became commoners without even the right to vote! Danquah

is credited to have also been instrumental in bringing the Ashanti

Kingdom under the framework of the Burns Constitution of 1946. Even

though his influence was waning rapidly after he was found steeped to

the neck in a Kyebi murder case involving human sacrifice. This

notwithstanding, JB Danquah managed to agree with the British to

disenfranchise a good majority of Ghanaians! The calls for universal

adult suffrage by Nkrumah for all Ghanaians of legal age was greeted

by howls of "communist!" from no other person than JB Danquah!

"On 12 June 1949 Nkrumah parted ways with the leadership of the UGCC

and formed the first political party in the history of Gold Coast,

namely, the Convention Peopless’ Party (CPP), to fight for

“Self-Government Now”. Initially the CPP opposed the Coussey

Constitution and on 8 January 1950 declared “positive action” that

urged a strike and non-cooperation with the colonial Government.

Nkrumah and his associates were arrested, tried and imprisoned for

instigating a strike. However, notwithstanding CPP’s opposition to the

Coussey Constitution it soon changed its mind and contested the first

General Elections in the history of the Gold Coast scheduled for 8

February 1951. The CPP won the General Elections securing 34 out of

the 38 popularly elected seats in the 84-member Legislative Assembly

with Nkrumah himself winning the seat for the Central Accra

Constituency obtaining 22,780 votes out of a possible 23,122. On 12

February 1951 Nkrumah was released form prison and appointed Leader of

Government Business in a cabinet of three expatriate and eight African

ministers. The Governor, however retained his reserve powers." (Very

accurate information from History of Ghana » Independence,

www.businessghana.com)

Kwame Nkrumah thus came to spearhead these struggles as a leader who

saw all Ghanaians as one people and treated all as such. as could be

seen from his entourage right from the very beginning, they

constituted primarily of Ghanaians with fundamental contradictions

with the colonial system of domination and exploitation and control of

our common destiny as a people. Thus it has to be clear right from the

onset that the disperate ethnic groups hitherto governed through the

divide and rule colonial policy of indirect rule, came together as a

united people mainly to defend themselves. It has to be obvious that

not all ghanaians were unhappy with the colonial system. those who

were directly benefitting from it could not care less, or in all

probability began to care only when this had a bearing on their

priviledges. It has to be pointed out that even though chieftaincy has

been a very potent force in governing ourselves as a people and

defending our interests in our various ehnic enclaves, before the

advent of colonialism, we must not forget that the colonial policy of

indirect rule altered its nature as a democratic institution and gave

it an authrity that made them answerable to the colonial authrities

rather than the people they represented. This colonialist alienation

of the people from their chiefs was the first condition that helped to

unite all Ghanaians irrespective of ethnic origins under the

leadership of the nationalist agitators.

It has to be noted that the chiefs and people of the Gold Coast did

not capitulate to the colonialist conquest without resistance. Our

history speaks of several wars in which some of these chiefs were

either defeated militarily or even deported from the Gold Coast.

Others were very successful in defeating the British and even

beheading their military commanders. Whilst all these struggles were

going on, a new social class was slowly emerging: the elite of the

Gold Coast. In pre-colonial Gold Coast, that is the period following

formal contacts and trade with the European merchants, a new economic

class developed in the Gold Coast. This class was basically made up of

business individuals with royal backgrounds. Through the Castle

schools, the colonialists also trained a select group of people to be

enrusted with the smooth running of the colonialist enterprise.Our

colonial boundaries were not created with our welfare in mind. They

were drawn primarily as an agreement between competing imperialist

powers not to interfere with each others' interests. The history of

our nationhood is also at the same time a history of the political

alignment to the tutilage of the colonialists by some sections of the

emerging african elites whose interests coincided with the

imperialists.

These included the urbam elites, mainly businessmen, chiefs and the

professional classes: lawyers, accountants, doctors, etc., who were

benefiting from the system as the common people suffered. Before the

Second World War, most of these social forces were engaged in very

paroachial forms of struggle. They were not necessarily against the

colonialists, they did not want to be grouped in the same category as

the illiterate natives. they wanted recognition as firts class

citizens for themselves, including their rights to vote and to be

voted for to represent themselves, because they could read and write

and speak English, unlike the illiterate natives. It must be recalled

that before the formation of the UGCC, the highest poloitical ambitio

of someone like Dr. J. B. Danquah was to be a Colonial Secretary. It

must also be recalled that Danquah's own ideal political constitution

for the gold coast was modelled after the Fante Confederacy in which

the right to vote was restricted to tax payment receits on personal

immovable property.

Thus at the time, even though the organization of the Gold Coast

elites had followed ethnic lines, their interests were cutting across

the board and they were aloso united under their respective

professional associations. When the UGCC was formed, the fifty or

sixty chiefs, lawyers, doctors, accountnats and other big men who met

during the Bank Holiday of August 1947, were simply making the move to

pre-empt a tranfer of leadership to more radical groups that the

agitations of the ex-servicemen were provoking. These were not people

who were fighting for the independence of the Gold Coast because it

was good for their health. They were compelled to assert themselves in

order to control and dominate the transition process to their maximum

advantage and to the disadvantage of the general populace, as was

witnessed by their attempts to deny the people of Gold Coast the

universal suffrage, preferring to be contnet with the right to vote

based upon property restrictions, under the Burns Constituion of 1946.

The very successful attempt by the colonialists to hijack the

authority of the people through the system of Indirect Rule in which

the chiefs became answerable to the Colonial Authorities rather than

the people, was as effective as the AIDS virus' technique of attacking

the body's immunity system. Thus right from the beginning, with very

notable exceptions such as Nii Boni, the chief of Osu Alata, the

liberation of the Gold Coast was only made possible as a result of the

emergence and arrival of a new form of a people-oriented leadership

that did not necessarily look up to the chiefs for their inspirations.

These were the brave and battle-hardy ex-servicemen from the big war

and the emerging discontnent and increasing political disconnect of

the teaming masses, "verandah boys" and the announced purposes of the

elitist nationalists.

Kwame Nkrumah worked very closely with these people within the UGCC

before the inevitable break-up. Their time together was very useful

because it showed very clearly that our goal of indepence was bound to

be a mirage in so far as we allowed these morally and ideologiclally

bankrupt imperialist stooges to lead us. Ghana became the first

African country south of the Sahara, to free herself from colonialist

domination, and for that matter the first black African country to

struggle and win her independence. It was by no means the first time

the black people fought and won their freedom. that honour goes to the

people of Haiti. As a slave colony, the african slaves rebelled and

chased out their French colonial and slave masters. But their newly

won freedom was not meant for a good majority of the black people as

some black people began to step into the shoes of the white slave

masters and took their fellow blacks as their slaves in the newly

independent state of Haiti. Nkrumah was very clear right from the very

beginning that he was only interested in transforming the Gold Coast

into a free, open and egalitarian socieity in which the ethnicity of

each citizen is as irrelevant as the size of his or her shoes! A

nation in which there would be nothing like slave and slave-master,

first class and second class citizens. A nation dedicated to Freedom

and Justice for every citizen and not just the few self-appointed

leaders and the selected elites!

It must be noted that the use of the tribal card was in part, as a

result of the background and ideology of the leadership. Theirs was

the creation of a three decker society, with the chiefs on the top,

them in the middle and then the common person shown his place at the

bottom. His their politicis lacked any form of intrinsic appeal to the

masses, they were left to be heavily dependent on the traditional

rulers, like the colonialists before them, in order to reach the

people through public durbars, funerals and traditional festivals.

this often meant that the new appeals were not immoned from whatever

traditional animousities that existed between various ethnic groups

had competing spaces to play out. For one cannot mobilize people on

the platform of their traditional authorities and pretend not to be

aware of the historical differences, tensions and suspicions between

the various communities. The leadership of the UGCC, with the

exception of those who were later to form the CPP, were all associated

with traditional rulers or professional bodies of the urban elite.

Unlike the CPP which found new and innovative ways to mobilize

workers' uunions and farmers and the various nationalist

organizations, the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition on the other hand,

has always preferred to talk to the people through the chiefs.

The root cause of most of the intractable chieftaincy disputes in the

country could be placed to these unscrupulous politicians desire to

have chiefs that are friendly to their cause, since without their

traditional platforms there was pretty very little they could do on

their own. We must not forget that these were the same politicians who

not long ago were stumbling over each other to secure the relatively

well-paid jobs as agents of the colonial system. The new forces of

egalitarianism that the CPP represented were seen as a threat on their

authority and priviledges. A reluctant colonial administration

unwilling to relinquish power thus decided to dig in by virtually

doing their best to stretch the CPP-led central government by making

the country ungovernable. In this the political class of the Gold

Coast, the chiefs, merchants, lawyers and other profeesional groups

were one with the colonialists.

The entire game-plan was to do their best to pull the newly formed

nation in all directions and away from the central authority and to

create a failed state, thus denying the CPP the requisite peace and

authority to enact its programmes. Ghana was divided into the Western

Province, Central Province, Eastern Province, Ashanti, Northern

Terrotories, and the Trans-Volta Togoland Region. When after even

imprisoning him, Nkrumah won the elections in 1951 overwhelmingly and

convincingly to be able to walk away from prison to be made the Leader

of Government Business, it prepared the grounds for their long-term

strategies. In Accra, the colonialists organizedthrough their puppets,

the Ga shimo pee and the Tokyo Joe boys were to begin acts of

barbarism unprecedented in our history.In the Trans-Volta Togoland, we

had the Togolese Congress Party battling it out to secede to join

Togo. In the middle belt, we had the National Liberation Movement led

by the chief Linguist of the Asantehene, Baafour Akoto. In the

Northern Territories was the Muslim Action Party, uncompromisingly

blocking any attempts at turning Ghana into a unitary and independent

prosperous state.

What saved our country from falling apart was the passage of the

Preventive Detention Act and the Political Party Law which banned all

these ethnic based and inward-looking political organizations and

threatened to imprison their violent leaders. These sets of laws

transformed the nature of what has been known today as the

Danquah-Busia tradition. Originally formed to pursue their paroachial

trribal agendas, the new political parties law proscribed all such

political groupings. In order to survive, these disperate and

inward-looking political groups were compelled to come together to

form a common front to guarantee their continued exostence. And here,

it must be noted that they did not come together because they liked

each other. They never did. Each looked up to the promotion of their

narrow interests within the broader framework of the new party which

they simply called the United Party. Despite its name, the party never

really got united, as the Ashanti and Akyem factions continued to play

out their historical hostilities and rivalries within the so-called

"united" front. It is often cited that the capitulation of Danquah as

the leader of the party, paving the way for Kofi Busia belies any

tales of rivalries between the two. Nothing could be further from the

truth. Danquah relinquished the leadership position to Busia simply

because he was himself convinced that he was a damaged product which

could never be sold to ghanaians when he was beaten in his own

constituency and home turf by his own nephew. Aaron Ofori-Atta stood

against his uncle on the platform of the CPP and gave Danquah a

roasting at the polls! Busia won the elections with the support of the

Ashantis and thus as a member of parliament, he had more weight.

The NPP needs to change the entire political narrative and its

"tribalistic" focus and begin to genuinely treat all Ghanaians as one

people irrespective of their ethnic origins. We should want to hear

very little about tribes from them before they can adjust to modern

civilization and the democratic way of doing things in the 21st

century, otherwise the entire party shall be falling apart! That

famous quote from Kwame Okoampa-ahoofe Jr., a memeber of the Governing

Body of the Danquah Institute, which bears the date Friday, 13 August

2010, is clearly a very fresh sign that the Akyem-Ashanti divide

within the NPP is as a fresh as Akufo-Addo's new dentures in his

otherwise toothless mouth! The question you need to answer before you

jump into any ridiculous conclusions is why if such rivalry was buried

with colonialism does Okoampa begin to bitterly complain with a litany

of grievances beginning from 1932 right up to his dismissal by the

Ashanti "Ejisu-Piranhas" who "ran [him] out of NPP-USA" very recently?

The only person who can do something about this problem is the stolid

and indolent Akufo-Addo, who is quick to bring to order, the non-Akyem

members of the party who fall out of line, such as the recent rebuke

of the Honourable P.C. Ofori-Appiah over his remarks on Alan

Kyeremanten. Even though several voices have been raised in the past

and continue to be raised by both NPP sympathysers and opponents

alike, Mr. Akufo-Addo has remained strangely silent when it comes to

calling his Akyem cousins to order! Whom is he decieving other than

his own bloody-self as more and more NPP sympathysers begin to feel

frustrated and pissed off by this sinful silence? This is a call for

the first non-tribal political election campaign in our history, and

it will pay a lot if Akufo-Addo saw the light and started his own

anti-tribal campaign of his own and call some of his lieutenants like

Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., to order! It would be a very small thing in

itself, but certainly a good beginning. After all, as Kwame Nkrumah

puts it, even though Rome was not built in a day, the building of Rome

was started in a day!

Please let's stay in touch and on top of the NPP! Give me a follow on

twitter! I shall give you a follow!

Twitter: http://twitter.com/TheOdikro

"To all men of goodwill, organize, organize, organize! The struggle is

far from over!

We prefer self-government in danger, to servitude in tranquillity!

Forward ever, backward never"!

--

Nana Akyea Mensah, The Odikro.

Facebook: /www.facebook.com/people/Nana-Akyea-Mensah

Blog: nanaakyeamensah.blogspot.com/

Twitter: /twitter.com/TheOdikro

Columnist: Mensah, Nana Akyea